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December 30, 2005

KKK protesting same-sex marriage

The Des Moines Register article “Iowa klansman wants protest of gay marriage” talks about a KKK member, Douglas Sadler, who is attempting to organize a protest against efforts in Iowa to recognize same-sex marriage. He expresses his opinion this way:

‘‘We don’t believe God’s law should be perverted any more than it already has been,’’ said Sadler, a Charles City resident and father of four. ‘‘The further we go away from God’s law, the further we get away from God.’’

[…]

‘‘We don’t believe they have the right to marry,’’ Sadler said. ‘‘In fact, we don’t think they have the right to exist.’’

I wonder: would he accept one of the Right’s “conversion therapy” shams as an appropriate means of ensuring non-existence, or does his faith requires death by stoning or beheading like that of his fundamentalist brethren? Following in the footsteps of Sam Harris, I have to note that the problem is not primarily with the lunatic fringe—it lies more with the religious moderates who tolerate, to whatever degree, people like Sadler solely because he’s a fellow Christian conservative.

(Thanks to AmericaBlog for the tip.)

Diebold and Stalin

Rand Careaga slams of voting-machine manufacturer Diebold by association with Stalin’s “counting the votes” remark. (It’s the lead image on his “Diebold Variations” page, and easily the strongest of his attempts.)

(Thanks to Brad Friedman at HuffPo for the tip.)

Brokeback Mountain 2

Uggabugga has a parody movie poster playing on the Right’s closeted sycophancy.

Great work!

(Thanks to Hullabaloo for the tip.)

South Park is not religiously correct

Comedy Central (and its corporate parent Viacom) have apparently caved in when confronted with complaints of religious correctness from some Catholics over an episode of South Park. As the Comcast article, “’South Park’ parked by complaints” notes:

Following the Dec. 7 season finale of South Park, titled "Bloody Mary," the Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights slammed the network for its irreverent portrayal of church icons and sought to block the episode from being rebroadcast.

It appears the group may have met with success. A repeat of the finale was scheduled to air Wednesday night, but was pulled from the Comedy Central lineup without explanation.

South Park’s entire raison d’etre seems to be nose-thumbing of a very public sort at every sacred cow of American culture. Their attitude is likely that if everyone is pissed off at them—and it appears that nearly everyone is—then they must be doing something right. If it is acceptable to skewer gays, environmentalists, and the ghost of political correctness, then there should be no uproar when they take on organized religion.

If Viacom has any cojones, they’ll hype this episode and release it on a special DVD, as they did with The Passion of the Jew.

December 27, 2005

Kathryn Joyce "Defending Christmas"

Kathryn Joyce’s “Defending Christmas” at Soma Review is a brief disproof of John Gibson’s The War on Christmas. She talks about mass-market books being “assembled like cheap plastic toys on conveyer belts from materials of questionable integrity,” and refers to Gibson’s as:

a dubious hash of rumor, sketchy news reports, sentimental memoir, and the fake populism and persecution complexes that color most conservative missives in today’s culture wars.

The review gets harsher from there, noting that:

the only truth The Christmas Wars touches upon is the current state of religious and political division in our country, and the inanity of so many evangelical Christians that parades as piety. But of course, this is an industry book: intended to perpetuate division, not examine it.

As with Bill O’Reilly’s error-ridden lamentations, Gibson’s book of Christmas tales illustrates not an oppressive secular minority, but an arrogant Christian majority that portrays its persecution complex as actual persecution.

December 4, 2005

George Lakoff: Moral Politics

amazon.com

Lakoff, George. Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think, Second Edition (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2002)

This volume, the second edition (2002) of Lakoff's 1996 opus Moral Politics, fleshes out his work on metaphors in political language. It's valuable reading for anyone who enjoyed Don't Think of an Elephant! and wants to delve deeper into Lakoff's thinking on the subject. This list of lessons (pp. 419-20) is about as concise as possible:

  • Words are defined relative to conceptual frames. Words evoke frames, and if you want to evoke the right frames, you need the right words.
  • To use the other side's words is to accept their framing of the issues.
  • Higher-level moral frames limit the scope of the frames defining particular issues.
  • To negate a frame is to accept that frame. Example: To carry out the instruction "Don't think of an elephant" you have to think of an elephant.
  • Rebuttal is not reframing. You have to impose your own framing before you can successfully rebut.
  • The facts themselves won't set you free. You have to frame facts properly before they can have the meaning you want them to convey.

Lakoff delineates the "Strict Father" and "Nurturant Parent" cognitive models--corresponding to conservatism and liberalism, respectively--and shows how seemingly contradictory positions (such as conservatives' disapproval of abortion and support for the death penalty) actually have an internal coherence when viewed from within their model. That doesn't make the results of the conservative "Strict Father" model any less pernicious, as Lakoff observes: "In the process of writing this book, I have had to examine, and therefore question, every point of my own beliefs."

Every day, I have had to compare my liberal beliefs with conservative beliefs and ask myself what, if any, reason I had to hold my beliefs. I have emerged from the process with a great respect for the coherence of the conservative position and for the intelligence and cleverness used by conservatives in articulating their views in a powerful way. [...] I also find conservatism, now that I think I understand it reasonably well, even more frightening than I did before. (pp. 335-6)

This paean to the much-maligned Sixties is my Quote of the Day:

Sixties liberalism, to those involved in it, focused on social responsibility. Sixties liberals see it this way: They risked their safety and their lives (and sometimes lost them) in civil rights demonstrations. They fought for anti-poverty programs, and worked to establish them. They brought feminism and ecology into the mainstream. And they demonstrated courageously against what they saw as the immorality, duplicity, and downright foolishness of the federal government in conducting an immoral and ill-advised war in Vietnam. The people who did all these things were not flower children, or deadheads, or violent radicals. They were idealistic liberals who were self-disciplined, self-reliant, hard-working, and dedicated to American ideals; they were the very opposite of the stereotypes. (pp. 318-9)

Later generations should take a few pages from the Sixties playbook and--armed with Lakoff's trenchant analysis--prepare to take on today's reactionaries.